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【单选题】
How many really suffer as a result of labor market problems? This is one of the most critical yet contentious social policy questions. In many ways, our social statistics exaggerate the degree of hardship. Unemployment does not have the same dire consequences today as it did in the 1930's when most of the unemployed were primary breadwinners, when income and earnings were usually much closer to the margin of subsistence, and when there were no countervailing social programs for those failing in the labor market. Increasing affluence, the rise of families with more than one wage earner, the growing predominance of secondary earners among the unemployed, and improved social welfare protection have unquestionably mitigated the consequences of joblessness. Earnings and income data also overstate the dimensions of hardship. Among the millions with hourly earnings at or below the minimum wage level, the overwhelming majority are from multiple-earner, relatively affluent families. Most of those counted by the poverty statistics are elderly or handicapped or have family responsibilities which keep them out of the labor force, so the poverty statistics are by no means an accurate indicator of labor market pathologies. Yet there are also many ways our social statistics underestimate the degree of labor-market- related hardship. The unemployment counts exclude the millions of fully employed workers whose wages are so low that their families remain in poverty. Low wages and repeated or prolonged unemployment frequently interact to undermine the capacity for self-support. Since the number experiencing joblessness at some time during the year is several times the number unemployed in any month, those who suffer as a result of forced idleness can equal or exceed average annual unemployment, even though only a minority of the jobless in any month really suffer. For every person counted in the monthly unemployment tallies, there is another working part-time because of the inability to find full-time work, or else outside the labor force but wanting a job. Finally, income transfers in our country have always focused on the elderly, disabled, and dependent, neglecting the needs of the working poor, so that the dramatic expansion of cash and in-kind transfers does not necessarily mean that those failing in the labor market are adequately protected. As a result of such contradictory evidence, it is uncertain whether those suffering seriously as a result of thousands or the tens of millions, and, hence, whether high levels of joblessness can be tolerated or must be countered by job creation and economic stimulus. There is only one area of agreement in this debate--that the existing poverty, employment, and earnings statistics are inadequate for one of their primary applications, measuring the consequences of labor market problems. Which of the following is the principal topic of the passage? ______
A.
What causes labor market pathologies that result in suffering.
B.
Why income measures are imprecise in measuring degrees of poverty.
C.
Which of the currently used statistical procedures are the best for estimating the incidence of hardship that is due to unemployment.
D.
How social statistics give an unclear picture of the degree of hardship caused by tow wages and insufficient employment opportunities.
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举一反三
【单选题】行政征收是指国家行政机关凭借国家行政权,依法向行政相对方强制地无偿地征收一定金额或实物的行政行为。其特征为:强制性、无偿性、法定性。根据上述定义,下列不属于行政征收的一项是( )。
A.
税收征收
B.
建设资金征收
C.
排污费征收
D.
物业费征收
【单选题】思维,是主观世界的信息和知识(群)在人脑神经元活动的反映。
A.
B.
不是
【判断题】负债类和所有者权益类账户的结构应与资产类账户的结构一致。
A.
正确
B.
错误
【判断题】思维,是主观世界的信息和知识(群)在人脑神经元活动的反映。A. 错B. 对
A.
正确
B.
错误
【简答题】人体运动的保障体系由( ) 和 ( ) 系统组 成。
【判断题】思维,是主观世界的信息和知识(群)在人脑神经元活动的反映。
A.
正确
B.
错误
【判断题】晋侯饮赵盾酒,伏甲将攻之。(《左传?宣公二年》) 句中“饮”是一般动词用法,喝。
A.
正确
B.
错误
【单选题】物权法的强制性特征,指的是( ) 。
A.
当事人不能自由创设物权
B.
物权的归属由法律强制力保证
C.
物权法比债权法更有强制力
D.
物权法是强行制定的法
【简答题】运动系由____、____和骨骼肌组成。
【简答题】“晋侯饮赵盾酒,伏甲将攻之”(《左传·宣公二年》),此句的“饮”读音和意义各是什么?它另外有何音何义?
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