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Anyone making long drives this summer will notice a new dimension to contemporary inequality: a widening gap between the users of automatic toil-paying devices and those who pay cash. The E-ZPass system, as it is called on the East Coast, seemed like idle gadgetry when it was introduced a decade ago. Drivers who acquired the passes had to nose their way across traffic to reach specially equipped tollbooths—and slow to a crawl while the machinery worked its magic. But now the sensors are sophisticated enough for you to whiz past them. As more lanes are dedicated to E-ZPass, lines lengthen for the saps paying cash. E-ZPass is one of many innovations that give you the option of trading a bit of privacy for a load of convenience. You can get deep discounts by ordering your books from Amazon.com or joining a supermarket 'club.' In return, you surrender information about your purchasing habits. Some people see a bait-and-switch here. Over time, the data you are required to hand over become more and more personal, and such handovers cease to be optional. Neato data gathering is making society less free and less human. The people who issue such warnings—whether you call them paranoids or libertarians—are among those you see stuck in the rippling heat, 73 cars away from the 'Cash Only' sign at the Tappan Zee Bridge. Paying your tolls electronically raises two worries. The first is that personal information will be used illegitimately. The computer system to which you have surrendered your payment information also records data about your movements and habits. It can be hacked into. Earlier this year, as many as half a million customers had their identities 'compromised' by cyber-break-ins at Seisint and ChoicePoint, two companies that gather consumer records. The second worry is that personal information will be used legitimately—that the government will expand its reach into your life without passing any law, and without even meaning you any harm. Recent debate in Britain over a proposed 'national road-charging scheme'—which was a national preoccupation until the London Tube bombings—shows how this might work. Alistair Darling, the transport secretary, wants to ease traffic and substitute user fees for excise and gas taxes. Excellent goals, all. But Darling plans to achieve them by tracking, to the last meter, every journey made by every car in the country. It seems that this can readily be done by marrying global positioning systems (with which many new cars are fitted) with tollbooth scanners. The potential applications multiply: what if state policemen in the United States rigged E-ZPass machines to calculate average highway speeds between toll plazas—something easily doable with today's machinery—and to automatically ticket cars that exceed 65 m.p.h.? There is a case to be made that only a citizenry of spoiled brats would fret over such things. Come on, this argument runs, anyone who owns an anti-car-theft device—Lo Jack in the United States or NavTrak in Britain—is using radio tracking to make a privileged claim on government services. If your LoJack-equipped Porsche is stolen, you can call the local police department and say, in effect, 'Go fetch.' Stolen cars with such devices are almost always recovered. Car theft has fallen precipitously, which benefits us all. For some time, the United States has required commercial trucks to register their mileage and routes. Last year, Germany initiated a new, more efficient G.P.S.-based truck-tracking system that seems intrusion-proof. Authorities dis card the records after three months, which means they can't use them to arrest criminal truckers or dun deadbeat ones. Can such forbearance last? In Germany, where history makes lax surveillance seem the lesser evil. yes. But not in the United States. Since the Warren Court, voters have. again and again, risen up against any libertarian trammeling of government in its fight against c
A.
You become dependent of it
B.
You can't get goods which make you feel satisfactory
C.
Your privacy is faced with danger
D.
Your will make your personal data completely public
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【简答题】在数据库三级模式体系结构中,存在两级映像,它们是:外模式/模式映像和 映像。
【简答题】在数据库系统的三级模式体系结构中,描述数据在数据库中的物理结构和存储方式的是【 】。
【单选题】在数据库三级模式体系结构中,内模式是对数据库全体数据( )的描述。
A.
文件结构
B.
内模式
C.
逻辑结构
D.
物理结构
【单选题】在数据库三级模式体系结构中,( )是用户与数据库的接口,是用户看到的数据
A.
B.
外模式
C.
模式
D.
内模式
E.
逻辑结构
【单选题】在数据库三级模式体系结构中,模式是对数据库全体数据( )的描述。
A.
外模式
B.
内模式
C.
逻辑结构
D.
物理结构
【简答题】在数据库系统的三级模式体系结构中,描述数据在数据库中的物理结构或存储方式的模式是______。
【单选题】下列对“表观分布容积”的描述错误的是
A.
指药物在体内分布达动态平衡时,体内药量与血药浓度之比
B.
血浆蛋白结合率高的药物表观分布容积小
C.
只反映药物在体内分布范围和结合程度
D.
代表药物在体内分布的真正容积
E.
不代表药物在体内分布的真正容积,其单位为L或L/kg
【多选题】下列关于药物相互作用的描述错误的是
A.
丙米嗪和氯丙嗪都不能增加中枢抑制药的作用
B.
三环类药物可与苯妥英钠竞争性地与血浆蛋白结合,从而降低三环类药物血浆蛋白结合率
C.
苯妥英钠可减慢氯丙嗪的代谢,合用时应该注意适当调节剂量
D.
三环类药物和单胺氧化酶抑制剂合用,可引起血压明显升高
E.
三环类抗抑郁药能对抗胍乙啶和可乐定的降压作用
【简答题】在数据库系统的三级模式体系结构中,描述数据在数据库中的物理结构或存储方式的是_______。
【单选题】下列描述结合型的药物特点错误的是
A.
药物与血浆蛋白结合可逆,动态平衡
B.
能进行跨膜转运
C.
暂时失去药理活性,不被代谢和排泄
D.
具有饱和性和竞争抑制现象
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